Inspiring Change in Politics

1. Let’s start with a bit about your early life and educational journey. How did your academic experiences shape your career and the diverse roles you have taken on over the years?

I was born in the early seventies in Dhaka. At the time, Dhaka was a relatively small city. My early childhood was spent in Moghbazar, while my schooling took place in Dhanmondi. Back then, private cars were a rarity, and the roads were mostly empty, making the journey from Moghbazar to Dhanmondi feel like an endless trek. One of my earliest memories was the excitement surrounding a new novelty my father brought home in the late 1970s—a VCR. My father was highly regarded in our neighborhood, and the news that we owned a VCR created quite a buzz. I still remember those weekends when people from all over the neighborhood gathered at our house to watch movies. Crowds even formed outside our windows, eager to catch a glimpse of the screen.

I pursued my undergraduate education in the USA, initially majoring in pure sciences. However, I eventually transitioned to the humanities, where I found my true passion for research. After completing my undergraduate studies, I ventured into consulting, which later led me to a career in academia. I also earned a graduate degree from the University of Oxford, where I deepened my involvement in research and publications. By the mid-2000s, I had shifted my focus almost entirely to academia, embracing teaching and scholarly work as my primary pursuits.

Before transitioning fully into academia, I had a chance encounter with Mr. Ishtiaque Abedin, the co-founder of AIUB, at an airport. During our casual conversation, he encouraged me to consider teaching at AIUB. Intrigued by the idea, I decided to explore the opportunity. Simultaneously, I reached out to North South University (NSU), one of the top private universities in Bangladesh. Their response was prompt, and upon my return to Dhaka, I met with the Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Hannan, who also serves as the chairman of Grameen Bank. He expressed great enthusiasm about having me join NSU. Since 2009, I have been teaching at NSU. While my initial expertise was in strategic management, over the years, I have expanded my research focus to include politics, education, and other related fields.

In 2012, I entered the political arena, a move that brought significant challenges. My involvement in politics created friction with the government, and NSU faced pressure due to my association with its faculty. Consequently, I had to step away from teaching for a while. However, two years later, the university invited me to return, and I resumed my academic career.

2. What inspired you to step into politics, especially founding your own political party, the National Democratic Movement (NDM)? Was there a particular moment or issue that drove your decision?

As a teacher, I’ve never considered myself merely a professional educator but rather an academic. The responsibilities of an academic are twofold: to create new knowledge through research and to disseminate it through teaching. For me, research takes precedence. As long as my mind remains sharp, I will continue to pursue both with passion and dedication.

Similarly, I don’t view politics as a profession, although many treat it as such—a perspective I find troubling. True politics, in my view, is about working for a cause, driven by a vision to serve. My political journey began organically, as my decade-long consulting career often intersected with political risk analysis. Additionally, my family maintained a close relationship with the late President H.M. Ershad. In 2011, while I was regularly writing columns—many of which President Ershad avidly read and critiqued—he asked me for an unbiased political analysis of his party’s prospects in the upcoming election. After months of effort, I delivered my findings.

Shortly after, President Ershad invited me to travel with him and, to my surprise, appointed me as his advisor. My role quickly expanded to encompass public relations, narrative building, and strategic planning. That marked my official entry into national politics.

The year 2013 was one of the most turbulent periods in Bangladesh’s history since 1975. As President Ershad’s advisor, I held a high-ranking position with significant influence. However, as tensions between the Awami League and the Jatiya Party escalated, only two individuals retained Ershad’s unwavering trust—and I was one of them. During this time, President Ershad faced numerous challenges, including an attack that led to his hospitalization. Even then, he entrusted me with crucial instructions, further intensifying the government’s perception of me as a threat. Eventually, this led to my forced exile.

These experiences prompted deep reflection on the state of our political system. I realized that individuals with genuine intentions and capabilities were being systematically marginalized, while the system favored those motivated by personal gain or a desire to preserve their status.

Coming from a self-sufficient background, I knew I could afford to take risks and stand firm in my convictions. By late 2013, I made a pivotal decision: the only way to bring about meaningful change was to fully commit to political activism. That marked the true beginning of my political journey.

In 2017, I established my own political party, believing that honest activism requires a clear vision and structured leadership. My aim is to serve the nation with dignity and integrity, fostering a system where selfless, capable individuals can thrive in politics. Our party’s vision is to create an accountable democracy—a system that minimizes the size of the central government and reduces unnecessary intervention in people’s lives while ensuring a robust social safety net. This approach seeks to empower all citizens, enabling them to reach their full potential. We believe that only through such a system can we truly build the Bangladesh of our dreams.

3. You’ve been teaching at North South University for over a decade. How has engaging with students and academia influenced your views on politics and leadership in Bangladesh?

Everything that makes you who you are shapes how you approach your work. Your unique experiences and qualities influence the way you think, act, and solve problems, defining your perspective and methods. However, politics in a third-world country is an entirely different challenge. Young people, particularly those from urban areas, often struggle to connect with the passions, struggles, and aspirations of rural and suburban populations.

Many of my students come from privileged backgrounds and do not reflect the full diversity of Bangladesh. In that sense, my role as an academic only partially defines who I am.

Academia, by its nature, often fosters a focused, specialized outlook—a kind of tunnel vision. In contrast, political activism demands a far broader perspective. It requires an understanding of the needs, struggles, and dreams of a diverse population and a commitment to act upon them. For a political activist, the central task is to identify what people genuinely need and work relentlessly toward fulfilling those aspirations.

In my case, there wasn’t much overlap between my academic work and my political activism. Each operates in distinct realms, requiring different approaches, skill sets, and mindsets. Academia thrives on specialization and theoretical inquiry, while political activism demands pragmatism, adaptability, and a deep connection to people’s lived realities. Both, however, have shaped me in profound and complementary ways.

4. What do you believe is the role of education in shaping future leaders for Bangladesh? Are there gaps in the current education system that you feel need to be addressed?

Education in our country has suffered under various political regimes. The curriculum, quality of teachers, and overall system have steadily degraded. I cannot lament this enough. However, when it comes to choosing leaders, people base their decisions on different criteria, one of the most important being how well those leaders connect with their needs. 

An educated person might choose a different leader than someone less educated, but that doesn’t mean the highly educated will always choose the right leader. Rather, they are more likely to select someone who aligns with their specific needs, just as less educated individuals will choose leaders who address theirs.

For a long time, our people have been denied the ability to freely choose their leaders. True leadership requires accountability and a free, fair electoral system. Over the past 15 years, the absence of these has led to power becoming the sole criterion for leadership. When Hasina’s authoritarian government fell on August 5th, there were no real leaders of the Awami League to be found, because they had lacked genuine followers.

I firmly believe in democracy. If people are allowed to choose their leaders under free and fair conditions, with accountability in place, they will invariably select leaders who serve their best interests, regardless of their level of education.

5. Are Bangladeshis’ impulsive nature and lack of reliance on facts the reason policymakers and the government struggle to make bold decisions for the country?

The notion that Bangladeshis are impulsive and not fact-driven, thereby hindering bold decision-making, is utterly baseless. It’s a common but flawed narrative to blame the so-called “Bengali character.” Impulsiveness is not unique to any one group—it’s a universal aspect of human nature. The real issue lies elsewhere.

Governance in a country with widespread poverty and a large population is undoubtedly challenging. However, the core problem is the lack of accountability. Policymakers often bypass public engagement when implementing policies, leading to decisions that are disconnected from the realities on the ground.

Consider the interim government’s decision to ban polythene bags as an example. Within three months of taking office, they shut down an industry that served 180 million users, sustained an extensive production chain, and provided employment to countless workers. The ban was imposed overnight, without consulting stakeholders or allowing preparatory time for transition. This reckless approach devastated livelihoods and naturally led to public protests.

When faced with resistance, instead of taking responsibility, policymakers resorted to emotional rhetoric, deflecting blame. The backlash wasn’t a result of people being impulsive—it was a reaction to poor planning and a lack of dialogue. In a democracy, accountability to the people is not optional; it is a prerequisite for effective governance. Decisions that impact lives must be made with transparency, inclusivity, and foresight.

6. There has been an ongoing debate about the role of youth leaders versus senior leaders. What’s your perspective on how to create the right synergy between them?

The definition of a youth leader needs clarification. I would classify youth leaders as those in their mid-twenties to mid-thirties, who are still in the learning phase. When you start out in any field, including politics, you are a neophyte. Age plays a crucial role here—if someone begins their political journey at 50, their approach and mindset will differ significantly from a youthful perspective.

Politics is complex; it requires understanding people, empathizing with them, and managing conflicting ideas without being overwhelmed. Young leaders often struggle to reconcile with harsh realities. Therefore, their initial role should focus on active, ground-level work—organizing campaigns, engaging with communities, and addressing immediate concerns. Over time, as they mature and develop a deeper understanding of societal dynamics, they can transition to more substantial leadership roles. 

It typically takes 10-15 years of experience for a young leader to evolve into someone capable of making significant contributions. If someone starts in their mid-twenties, they should be well-prepared by their mid-thirties to take on greater responsibilities.

Regarding the young individuals currently in government, I hope they remain grounded and continue learning despite the weight of their responsibilities. Many of them rose to prominence due to their pivotal roles in recent movements and were rightfully given leadership positions. However, it’s essential that they stay focused, build their knowledge, and grow emotionally and intellectually to meet the demands of their roles effectively.

7. The recent post-August political landscape, particularly after the last election, has been criticized for relying heavily on bureaucracy rather than political leadership, leading to a lack of synergy. What is your opinion on this?

The governance model under Sheikh Hasina has heavily relied on bureaucracy, sidelining politicians and undermining democratic accountability. Many cabinet members were business figures whose primary focus appeared to be personal and financial gain, benefiting both themselves and Sheikh Hasina.

The bureaucratic system in Bangladesh remains deeply rooted in colonial-era frameworks. From the police to civil administration, the codes of conduct and legal frameworks were originally designed during British rule—not to serve the people, but to exert control over them. The administrative principles applied by British officials in England were fundamentally different from those imposed in colonial territories like Bangladesh, reflecting a governing ethos of domination rather than service.

Even today, these outdated, 150-year-old traditions persist, influencing how bureaucratic hierarchies communicate and operate. Secretaries, deputy secretaries, and assistant secretaries function within an imperial-era framework that prioritizes rigid hierarchy over responsiveness to public needs. This system inherently lacks democratic accountability and remains focused on enforcing control rather than delivering public service.

For meaningful change, elected leaders must be empowered to guide the bureaucracy in alignment with democratic principles and a service-oriented ethos. Bureaucratic reform is essential to modernize governance and make it people-centric. Unfortunately, over the past 15 years, Sheikh Hasina has entrenched these undemocratic practices even further, reinforcing a system that prioritizes centralization and control over accountability and service.

Addressing these issues and fostering accountability could pave the way for better governance, with improved synergy between political leaders and the bureaucracy.

8. With the upcoming election on the horizon, what do you think political parties should prioritize, especially given the growing desire for a fresh perspective on Bangladesh’s future?

First and foremost, the immediate priority must be to prevent the fascist regime that has ruled for the past 15 years from gaining any foothold in the upcoming election. This regime has been the primary architect of the degradation of democracy, the economy, and governance in Bangladesh. Beyond merely keeping such forces out of power, political parties have a collective responsibility to eradicate fascism entirely from the country’s political landscape.

Establishing and upholding accountability within democracy must be a shared commitment across all parties. Every political party must pledge to embrace transparency and accountability in their governance, setting a new standard for the political culture of the nation. Furthermore, the unity forged during the pre-August struggle should not be allowed to dissipate—it should be preserved, at least in the near term. While elections are inherently competitive, the stakes of this particular election demand a collective effort to safeguard democracy above all else.

The proposal of a national government, as suggested by the BNP, is an idea worth exploring. If it entails a commitment to unity—where all parties contest the election and then collaborate post-election to rebuild the nation—I would wholeheartedly support it. In light of the abuses and erosion of institutions over the past 15 years, this election presents a unique opportunity to foster unity, ensure a future free from fascism, and establish a foundation for a more accountable and democratic Bangladesh.

9. What will be your address to voters to keep in mind during voting?

Voters must start demanding accountability from every political candidate, activist, and leader. Don’t take promises for granted—know your rights. If you depend on election-time handouts, remember those benefits end the moment the election does, leaving you without recourse for the next five years. Hold political parties and candidates accountable so they are compelled to serve you throughout their term.

10. As a leader and educator, what is your dream for Bangladesh’s future?

My greatest ambition and dream as a Bangladeshi is to see our nation realize its full potential. With a youthful demographic dividend, a strategic geographical location, and numerous other advantages, Bangladesh has all the ingredients to become a powerhouse economy in Asia. If these strengths are harnessed effectively, we could transform our country within a decade, standing proudly alongside nations like South Korea and Japan. Achieving this under an accountable and transparent democracy is the vision I hold for Bangladesh—a nation thriving in prosperity, equity, and global respect.

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